Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are basically regular (except for loss of glottalisation in PN - probably because of assimilation to the following non-glottalised laryngeal).
Notes: The PN-Lezg. isogloss is quite satisfactory phonetically and semantically (the correlation "wet" : "fish" is quite common in NC languages); some doubts are raised only by the scarcity of reflexes in Lezghian (only Archi).
Notes: Despite the uncertainty in reconstructing *-p- or *-b- (not unusual in root structures with two stops), the root seems reliable. In PN and PWC there occurred an assimilations: *č < *č̣ (under the influence of the subsequent labial). Otherwise the correspondences are regular.
The root is also spread in some other Daghestan languages as a loan from Avar (Darg. č̣aIbar 'floor') or Andian languages (Gunz. č̣abar 'clay').
Notes: In PD and PWC there occurred an assimilative deglottalisation *č̣- > *č-. Some doubts are raised by the Lak. form - regularly *č̣aIq- would be expected; maybe pharyngealised *qI was lost in clusters with following class markers (real Lak. forms are č̣aIwu- 1/3, č̣aIru- 2/4 < *č̣aIq-bu-,*č̣aIq-ru- ?).
The PA form suggests that this root could have prefixed class markers in PEC; however, they are absent in all other languages (even in Av.) and may be in this case a PA innovation.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Except for the metathesis in Arch. (probably by analogy with another root, see PNC *ṭɨ̆š(w)ɨ), correspondences are regular.
Notes: Except for metathesis, correspondences are regular, and the etymology seems satisfactory. It is interesting to note that for some reason words containing 'm' and 'č̣' are especially liable to metathesis (see under *mič̣V 'hoof', *mǝ̆č̣u 'long hair, strip', *muč̣Ŭ 'stick', *mVč̣wV 'dirt, dung').
Notes: An Av.-And.-Lak. isogloss; the comparison seems plausible both phonetically and semantically. We can also mention Ud. aIl 'partridge': since all weak affricates were lost in Ud., this form can go back to PL *č̣ʷVIl, and may be related to the PA and Lak. forms.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular (except that the Av. form probably reflects a vocalic metathesis: č̣álu < *č̣ula).
Notes: An expressive common EC root. The original quality of the Inlaut consonant (*-k-) is probably retained in PL, and *-ḳ- in PN and PTs must be explained by assimilation; otherwise the correspondences are regular.
Abayev (1958, 295) proposes a Caucasian origin for Osset. cäg 'ring, chain link'.
